Posts filed under ‘Demand of Koshal state’
This was a lively debate. Expect few leaders everyone spoke within the scope of the topic. Otherwise, now day TV debates are often turning brawl and theatrical stage. I observed that all most all leaders spoke in Kosli language. They should also use Kosli language in assembly; so that people of western Odisha will understand them. The discussion was about health, education and human resource development in western Odisha (Balangir and Kalahandi Medical college, AIIMs and other centrally funded institutes); industrialization; pollution in Sambalpur-Jharsuguda belt; KBK issues, Dadan sramik; malnutrition; starvation death; unemployment; Gadjats; feudal mentality of political leadership; and Kosal state demand.
People of western Odisha feel alienated because their voice is not heard by the mainstream Odia media. Thanks to the Kanak TV for providing a platform to people of western Odisha (although one speaker was accusing the organizers about the choice of the title and divide and rule policy).
Following is report is from the Sambad:
If western Odisha is neglected like this, we will not hesitate to divide Odisha and break away: Gregory Minz
Congress MLA Gregory Minz created an uproar when he abstained from voting in the last Rajya Sabha elections defying party diktats. Here in Khola Katha with Manoranjan Mishra, he explains his position and talks about his future plans for the ensuing Rajya Sabha elections.
Q. When your party and the people of the entire state were looking at you with the faith that our representatives will behave in the most judicious way, why did you behave like in such a manner which sullied the image of entire political class? Why did you behave in such a fashion?
A. This is all about the game of spreading canards in politics. I had no other reason than a personal one to remain away from voting. I was supposed to return on 16th. But the flight was cancelled due to heavy rains. Even on 17th I could not catch the flight as I got stranded in the traffic. A special chartered flight was arranged which brought me here.
Q. Who had hired the chartered flight for you?
A. It was my party. The High Command asked me to reach here anyway. So I came.
Q. It was said that you tried to hide in the airport and you were not interested to come out?
A. This is a wrong message. I had tried my uttermost to reach in time. It was my misfortune that I could not reach in time. I am very sad for what ever happened.
Q. Were you contacted by the BJD or not?
A. No. My appointment with the doctor was fixed earlier. I was supposed to admit my wife and come back.
Q. But your party persons do they believe you?
A. I cannot help it if they do not believe me. Had it been the case then I would not have come back on 17th. I tried my level best to reach in time but failed.
Q. But your own men do they doubt you or not?
A. They will doubt and doubt definitely.
Q. What did you explain before the Narasingha Mishra Committee?
A. I have told everything before the committee. What ever had happened actually?
Q. Have you been exonerated by the Narasingha Mishra Committee?
A. I have not received anything in writing. But I was asked over the phone to work for the party in the panchatyat election.
Q. Who asked you?
A. It was Jagdish Tytler.
Q. Jagdish Tytler, is he aware of entire issue?
A. I have personally narrated the entire issue to him in writing as well as told him the thing personally.
Q. But your problem was so acute that you had to go on that date and you could not have waited for two more days?
A. The appointment with the doctor was already fixed. I had to go at any cost as I got the appointment after waiting for a very long time.
Q. Nobody from the BJD had really contacted you?
A. No, no one had approached me.
Q. So many MLAs were contacted and offered money? But you were not… how come?
A. I am a disciplined worker of the party. All these baseless allegations are hurled at me unnecessarily. I am in the party and working for the party. I am prepared to do whatever the High Command wants me to do.
Q. Was it right to put up Tara Patnaik as the candidate?
A. Look, I have to obey the decision of the party.
Q. But what was your personal choice?
A. I will say that some one from the tribal community should have been sent to the Rajya Sabha. We have been neglected continuously. The man should have been from Western Odisha since the state collects maximum revenue from Western Odisha. Still it is the most neglected part of the state. Revenue collected from Western Odisha is being spent for the development in Cuttack and Bhubaneswar. We don’t like it. We have been demanding for a bridge over river Brahmani for a long time where as fly-overs come up in Bhubaneswar daily. We say that give us at least fifty per cent of the revenue collected from Western Odisha and we will not ask neither the Centre nor Odisha government. Our money will be spent for the development of our areas.
Q. Did you raise all these things when Tara Patnaik was put up as the candidate?
A. The candidature was decided at the highest level. No meeting was held to discuss the issue.
Q. So, you think that the problem cropped up because the decision was taken at the highest level?
Q. I will categorically state that the MLAs should be definitely consulted to take any such decision.
Q. So you revolted as the decision was trusted upon you?
A. No I did not revolt. I could not come due to my personal problems. Why should I disobey the decision of my party being a disciplined worker?
Q. Whom would you have voted for had you been able to come in time?
A. Definitely to the man decided by the party.
Q. But did you not feel disheartened by the party’s decision? The party is favouring an industrialist and not any one from Western Odisha?
A. I will discuss all these if ever I get an opportunity to raise these things in the party. Still, I want to warn that if Western Odisha is neglected like this, we will not hesitate to divide Odisha and break away.
Q. When you came to know that Shivaji Majhi of your party and Bhimsen Choudhury from BJP were facing charges of horse-trading and the CD had already arrived, did not you think that it had opened a black chapter in the state’s political history?
A. Definitely. When I came to know that two others had not come for voting I realised that the same charges would be treated against me as well. But I was unfazed for ultimately truth prevailed and I was not suspended.
Q. Do you believe in the Shivaji Majhi CD?
A Look, one man’s voice can be tampered in the recording. The truth will come out after the probe. I have no other comments.
Q. But how do you feel when you hear that one MLA of your party has taken money?
A. Such charges will be levelled at you if you are in politics. You cannot go ahead if you break down. But I don’t believe it. If the people of his area support like the people of my area support me than I have nothing to say.
Q. But will the charges loose significance if the people support you?
A. The people are not fools. They can make out what is what.
Q. It is time for another RS election. Will you stay put in Bhubaneswar or will you go away to Mumbai?
A. I will be the proposer of the man this time my puts up as its candidate.
Q. But will your party men believe in you? An influential group in the party believes that you already have indirectly joined the BJD and one of the vulnerable MLAs for horse-trading?
A. The party will definitely believe in me. For, despite the use of money and muscle power by the BJD, I was able to ensure the victory in two ZPs and that of two Chairmen in the last election. And I don’t know what horse-trading is all about?
Q. But horse-trading takes place in politics or not? Have you been approached by anyone in tenure as MLA?
A. No one has ever approached me. Nor has anybody ever told me that this man is distributing money.
Q. So you believe that there was no horse trading and whatever others are belling is the truth?
A. Look Bhimsen Choudhury had told in his area that he cannot vote for the Congress candidate.
Q. And what about Shivaji Majhi?
A. I cannot tell anything about him. But Bhimsen is my neighbour. He is a staunch opponent of the President of his party. I guess that could be the real reason.
Q. Who are those persons in the BJD with whom you have good relations?
A. I have good friends in all the parties be that BJD or BJP or any other party. Political rivalry is a different thing. I go to even Naveen Patnaik with the problems of our areas. My relations with him is very good.
Q. And with Pyari Babu?
A. Not so much. I go directly to the chief minister.
Q. Did you ever talk to Tara Patnaik before the elections?
A. We were being contacted over phone by some senior leaders where as he should have talked to us directly and that too in a joint meeting. It does not look nice also to vote for someone not knowing the man personally.
Q. Will vote for Tara Patnaik if your party again puts him up as the candidate?
A. Yes, I will vote for the candidate who is finalised by the High Command of my party.
Q. For you, what comes first, your conscience or the party?
A. Party comes first.
Q. What is the difference between the playing field and political field?
A. There is not much of a difference. We preferred to play attacking when I was playing and I continue to play attacking game in politics as well.
Q. But is the Congress able play the attacking game?
A. I didn’t believe in groupism in politics. In the just concluded election the BJD won not because it is popular but because it abused both money and muscle power.
Q. What is your take on the personality of Naveen Patanaik?
A. He is most welcome. He listens to everyone. But I am not speaking for the heck of politics, but he is not able to do much for the development of the state.
Q. And about Pyari Mohapatra?
A. I don’t know much about what is happening in that party. I don’t disrespect any senior politician. But what I will emphasise is the fact that for the development of the state we all must have to when the demand arises rise above the party level.
Q. One last question. Can you vouch that in the ensuing RS election you will not be lured by money power and vote in a disciplined manner?
A. Definitely. I am here in politics not to earn money. I want to work for the people and want to see that the benefits of development trickle down to the lowest level.
(Contact Manoranjan at: firstname.lastname@example.org)
Regional imbalances in Odisha:National seminar on creation of new states in India with specific reference to Kosal
Following message was posted in KDDF:
On Sat, Jun 16, 2012 at 8:21 PM, janatavikas manch <email@example.com> wrote:
The backwardness of Western Odisha prominently figured in the meeting – Three years of BJD government in Odisha and UPA Govt at Centre – organised by Janata Vikas Manch (JVM) on May 22, 2012.
There were two lines of thinking on the reasons for the backwardness of Western Odisha. One opinion was that the policy makers sitting at Bhubaneswar are ignoring the region and the only solution to solve the problem of Western Odisha is to divide the state and form a new state called Kosal state.
Countering this line of thinking, another view was that the division of the state will not solve the problem because Odisha is already small. The upper caste is responsible for the backwardness of the state as they do not allow the SC and ST to develop.
In this backdrop, Kosal Kranti Dal, a political outfit, is organizing a day long Seminar. The base paper of the Seminar is attached below. The two other files in this regard is attached with this mail.
JVM has been advocating the development of the backward region specially Western and Southern Odisha along with the development of the SC and ST population in the state. We request all to carry forward this debate to solve the problem.
At a time when the demand for a separate state for western Odisha is gaining momentum on grounds of negligence of the western Odisha region by the State government, an IAS officer’s small step has taken a giant leap forward in erasing the much-hyped western-coastal Odisha divide.
The just concluded three-day Rangabati Utsav, a festival of dance and music of western Odisha – a brain-child of Ashok Kumar Tripathy, the Principal Secretary of Tourism and Culture of Government of Odisha – staged in the capital by Odisha Sangeet Natak Akademi with financial support of Odisha Tourism and the first of its kind for the State, reaped rich dividends by reposing their faith in the people of western Odisha. “Earlier, when we performed in Bhubaneswar, we were not being treated properly. But, the grand platform, treatment and hospitality that we received during this government-organised festival were amazing. It was a belated but befitting step that the government initiated to showcase the unique cultural tradition of western Odisha. We were honoured that the Governor, the ministers and many eminent people came to watch us,” remarked Ghasiram Mishra, master percussionist and septuagenarian artiste from Bolangir, whose captivating concert fetched him standing ovation. Legendary singer Jitendriya Haripal, better known to the world as the male singer of the evergreen Rangabati number, was full of praise for the organisers of the event. “It was for the personal effort of the officer (Principal Secretary) that I and Krishna Patel could sing together on stage for the first time after a gap of 30 years, he said.
A recent outlook report suggests that India should have 50 states. One of such demand is the bifurcation of Odisha state in to Odisha and Kosal state. It is clear from various news reports that there is a growing demand in the western Odisha for the formation of Kosal state. After a bit of search in the “Google image” , I found the following maps of the proposed “Kosal state”.
Following is a report from the outlook : (Thanks to Saket Sahu and Brundaban Sahu for the pointer)
Linguistic States: A 20th-Century Timeline
Dec 1903: Linguistic principle for organising India’s provinces figures for first time in Sir Herbert Risley’s letter to the Bengal government. Sir Herbert is home secretary at this point.
1905: Partition of Bengal takes place
1917: Dr Annie Besant strongly opposes linguistic organisation of provinces at the Calcutta session
1920: Congress adopts linguistic redistribution of provinces at the Nagpur session
1927: Congress adopts a resolution supporting creation of linguistic states
1928: Motilal Nehru Committee supports redistribution along linguistic lines
1945-46: Congress election manifesto promises provinces will be constituted on linguistic and cultural lines
Nov 1947: Prime Minister Nehru concedes the linguistic principle, but says security and stability of India important
1948: Linguistic provinces commission set up
Aug-Sept, 1951: G. Sitaramaiah fasts for creation of Andhra state
Dec 15, 1952: Potti Sriramulu dies while fasting for the creation of Andhra. The state is carved out of Madras Presidency only a year later.
Dec 1953: States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) is set up
1955: Nehru sends S.G. Barve to the former USSR for understanding the language policy as a state reconstruction programme
Jul 1955: SRC report submitted—14 states and 9 union territories recommended.
Aug 1956: SRC recommendations implemented
1960: Gujarat and Maharashtra come into being
1960-61: Sant Fateh Singh and Master Tara Singh undertake fast unto death for the creation of a Punjab state
1963-64: Language riots in Tamil Nadu
1963: Nagaland takes shape
1966: Haryana and Punjab created 1970-80: Other Northeastern states carved out
1992: Goa created
2000: Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttarakhand emerge as independent entities.
In 2012, 56 years after the very first round of the reorganisation of states, we seem to have a different ‘thali’ of questions before us. We seem to have arrived at the crossroads on one of the basic features of our federal structure. Federal unity is no longer a serious concern like in the ’50s and ’60s, but with a spate of demands for new states coming up from practically every corner of India at different intervals and with varying intensity, and that too from within states once seen as linguistic and cultural wholes, one wonders if we have slowly begun to move away from the idea of the linguistic state. Has the nation begun to transact with far more pragmatic parameters like development, economic growth, demographic size and administrative convenience, instead of mere emotion? Ever since the creation of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttarakhand in 2000 and now, in November 2011, with the resolution passed for a four-way split of Uttar Pradesh, haven’t smaller states become the buzzword? Should we become a nation of 50 states and eight union territories (see imaginary map) in the next few decades from the existing 28 states and seven Union territories? Is it time we constituted a second States Reorganisation Commission (src)?
It appears that there is a general recognition of a drift away from linguistic states and a simultaneous investment of faith in smaller states. Two recent incidents offer an insight. A few weeks back, the Kannada media reported that when a delegation of Marathi-speaking people from the ‘disputed’ border district of Belgaum met Raj Thackeray, he reportedly told the delegation to learn to live in Karnataka. Similarly, Rahul Gandhi’s taunt during his UP poll campaign that people from the state should stop ‘begging’ in Maharashtra was largely an invitation to envisage an economically vibrant state, for which the answer may lie in Mayawati’s idea of splitting it up into four.
The growth rates of smaller states in the last five years too have looked encouraging. Haryana and Himachal Pradesh have done well. The growth rate of a reorganised Bihar has been an impressive 11 per cent over the last five years. Uttarakhand has also posted impressive figures compared to its estranged ‘parent state’, UP.
In this context of new demands and reasoning, many have felt that it would make eminent sense to constitute a second src. Senior journalist B.G. Verghese says that instead of reorganising the states in an untidy and piecemeal fashion, a new src would take a long-term view. “There is nothing wrong,” he says, “in envisaging India at 2040-50 with a population of around 1,600 million organised in 60 states, with an average population of 25 million each, and some 1,500 districts.” He also suggests that the terms of reference for the second src should not be political, but rather “techno-economic-administrative”. More states will not destabilise us, but agitation and alienation of the sort we see in Telangana will, he argues. To go with smaller states and new administrative boundaries, the setting up of natural resource regions, river basin authorities and zonal coordination committees that hold routine meetings become important. “If zonal panels as suggested by the first src were functional, then problems like the Mullaperiyar dam or Cauvery or Belgaum would have been sorted out very differently,” feels Verghese.Historian Ramachandra Guha is equally enthusiastic about smaller states and the setting up of a second src. India, he says, now faces a second generation of challenges, and these pertain to regional imbalances in social and economic development. A new src would look dispassionately into the demands for Vidarbha, Gorkhaland, Harit Pradesh (western UP), Kongu Nadu (western Tamil Nadu) etc. Smaller states alone would not do, the emphasis should also be on granting real financial and political autonomy to panchayats and municipalities, he adds.
Addressing the question on who should be assigned the responsibility of redrawing the map of India’s states, Guha goes a step ahead and suggests that the new src should draw its members not from political parties, but from the law, academia and the social sector. Pointing out that members of the first src were the jurist Fazl Ali; author and diplomat K.M. Panikkar and social worker H.N. Kunzru, who were all non-partisan and widely respected, he says that the members of the new src should be people like jurist Fali S. Nariman, economist Jean Dreze, sociologist Andre Beteille and social worker Ela Bhatt.
However, Marxist historian K.N. Panikkar, even as he concedes that there is a case for smaller states for effective administration and equitable distribution of natural resources, feels that there is no need for a second src as such. He fears that it would open up a Pandora’s box. Panikkar is more for blurring the boundaries between states. “The border should cease to be of any consequence for the people,” he says. “Internal migration and economic linkages should dissolve the existing boundaries between states, even when they maintain cultural identity and administrative distinction.”
The agitation for Gorkhaland. (Photograph by Reuters, From Outlook, February 06, 2012)
The reorganisation argument becomes further nuanced when bureaucrat and India’s former ambassador to unesco, Chiranjiv Singh, puts forward a cultural rationale in place of the familiar administrative or economic one. “Whatever demands we see for new states may not be on linguistic lines, but there is an underlying cultural reasoning. Be it Telangana, Vidarbha or the four divisions of UP and Mithila, they are all cultural units. Also, don’t underestimate culturally distinct North Karnataka’s resentment over Old Mysore,” he says. Linguistically, too, these regions vary to a large extent. Braj, Avadhi or Maithili may have been reduced to dialects in the popular imagination, but they are anything but that. Surdas wrote in Braj Bhasha and Tulsidas wrote in Avadhi. So, Singh’s argument that the new src should recognise these cultural zones appears to be perfectly in place.
Singh further argues that it can’t be assumed that administratively smaller units will spur economic growth. They are not linked to each other, he asserts, offering a few examples: “Assam may grow tea, but the market is in Calcutta and Amritsar. Similarly, Amritsar is the largest producer of nose rings and, needless to say, people in the region don’t wear them. Haveri in Karnataka does not grow cardamom, but it is the market for the spice. This proves that economic linkages don’t respect administrative boundaries. Therefore, it is better that we reorganise on cultural lines. That will also rest easy on the collective memory of the people,” he concludes.
The question of src and the redrawing of the map aside, what has led to the decline of the linguistic state—at least as an exclusive logic? If one were to extrapolate the historical arguments of anthropologist Lisa Mitchell in her book, Language, Emotion and Politics in South India, language as an object of emotion or its personification in India, more specifically the South, was only a late 19th-century creation. But within half a century of the creation of the language-emotion nexus, Potti Sriramulu gave up his life for Telugu and Andhra in December 1952, and soon after, since 1964, Tamil Nadu witnessed a number of self-immolation incidents for the Tamil cause. Earlier, till the 1890s, there were no specifically demarcated domains for any language; there was only a multilingual milieu. How and why this creation happened is an interesting historical process, says Mitchell. Going by this, we could logically assume that language-based emotion may have run its course in a hundred years.
United on division The Telangana demand is based on cultural/economic reasoning
Writer-translator Kalyan Raman points out other factors that may have come to dominate the emotive linguistic field. He says the economic liberalisation in 1991 initiated three trends: inter-state mobility of unskilled workers, especially from impoverished regions to more prosperous states or cities; competition among the states for domestic and foreign investment; increased territorial claims over resources due to pressures of economic development. He points out the dichotomy of the present-day linguistic state thus: “On the one hand, as economic units, linguistic states are depending less on the community’s cultural identity for economic mobilisation to spur growth. On the other hand, cultural/linguistic identity is pressed into service for confrontational politics, whenever required. But the original raison d’etre for linguistic states—of community integration on social and economic planes—seems to have gone past its expiry date. I would say that linguistic states have morphed into something else, and that something else, because it is based on economic clout and political power, may be hard to dismantle.”
The hegemony of the standard version of state language over dialects and other minority languages also may have caused immense damage and dissipation of interest in linguistic states. For instance, when Karnataka celebrated 50 years of its existence in 2006, it only celebrated Kannada and forgot that Konkani, Tulu, Byary and Kodava were the state’s allied languages. Also, the backwards and Dalits, who were seen as guardians of local tongues, have moved on to experience the economically liberating energies of English.
Finally, it is important to point out that our very worldview as a nation seems to have undergone a sea change. We no longer imagine or define ourselves as living in villages, the so-called repositories of culture, but have made cities the nucleus of our being. In some ways, the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (jnnurm) programme of the Union government is a metaphor for this transformation. Reporting some of the findings of the People’s Linguistic Survey of India, linguist G.N. Devy pointed out recently that Maharashtra is Marathi-speaking, but Mumbai linguistically needs to be seen as a ‘national city’ rather than a state capital. Ditto would be the results for Bangalore, Hyderabad and Chennai.
Sanjeer Alam says demands for new states won’t stop because of the population boom
ONCE AGAIN, the agitation for a separate state of Telangana is back to the centrestage of political drama in New Delhi. Once again, the spotlight is fixed on the blame game. And once again, the Centre seems to be sleeping with the virtues of reticence. For many, the fresh wave of Telangana crisis triggered by the resignation of elected representatives of people, MLAs and MPs, is largely an outcome of the inactivity of the central government, for it chose to sit over the recommendations of the Justice Srikrishna Commission for resolving the issue. However, the fact remains that the Telangana tangle epitomises the deeper structural problems facing India since the reorganisation of states way back in 1956. Today it is Telangana. Tomorrow it will be Vidarbha and so on.
One cannot be oblivious to the fact that the echoes of Telangana go far beyond Andhra Pradesh and New Delhi. There are longstanding demands for a Vidarbha state in Maharashtra, for Harit Pradesh and Purvanchal in Uttar Pradesh, for Mithila state in Bihar, for Koshal state in Odisha, for Gorkhaland in West Bengal and the list goes on. This is probably why the central government is interested in buying time rather than resolving it once and for all. The worry of the Centre is that statehood to Telangana will give momentum to many more demands of creating new states. So why put their fingers in a can of worms?
Why are there sustained movements for new states? Such movements, violent or otherwise, owe their career to the short-sightedness and the static approach of the political class. In the first place, administrative boundaries in any country are never static. They change in the course of time and in response to changing demographic social, economic and political conditions. In India, the last major exercise of drawing politico-administrative boundaries was carried out under the State Reorganisation Act (1956). Under this Act, the state boundaries were to be drawn on linguistic lines. In other words, the state and linguistic boundaries, as far as practicable, were to coincide with each other. As a result, due attention was not paid to other relevant criteria such as geographical contiguity, area, size of population, and socio-cultural attributes other than language. Therefore, dissatisfaction cropped up within a few years of reorganisation of the states. Even as linguistic homogeneity provided the basis of redrawing administrative maps of India in 1956, the problem remained far from settled. The Gujarati- speaking people rose to demand for a separate state. So, Gujarat was carved out of Bombay state in 1960. Six years later, in 1966, Punjab was divided into three states – Punjabi-speaking Punjab, Hindi-speaking Haryana and hilly state Himachal Pradesh. Furthermore, three new states based on mixed criteria of relative economic backwardness, geographical terrain and socio-cultural features were created in 2000. These states were Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. The journey of carving out as many as twenty-eight states so far suggests at least two things. One, that the aspirations of people channel out in complex ways. So, drawing or redrawing of politico-administrative boundaries should be sensitive to such complexities. Two, even if certain demands have enough justifications and usefulness, the political class will not move until push comes to shove.
Secondly, one, if not the sole, reason for having pluralities of administrative units is to ensure administrative efficiency and good governance. India is too big in size both in terms of area and population. The population of India is almost two times the population of Latin America and one and a quarter times the population of the whole of Africa. Owing to a relatively high growth rate of population, we add almost the total population of Australia or of Haryana every year. This obviously necessitates a periodic exercise of redrawing politico-administrative boundaries.
Thirdly, many states of India are not only super large but also quite heterogeneous in terms of socio-economic and cultural attributes. For example, Uttar Pradesh has more population (199.6 million in 2011) than Brazil (189.6 million in 2008). The population of Uttar Pradesh is two and a half times the population of Germany. In Maharashtra, there are more people than France and Spain put together.
IN BIHAR, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh, there are more people than Germany. Internally, Uttar Pradesh has more population than Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the two largest states in terms of area, put together. Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu have fewer people than Uttar Pradesh alone. Generally, though not necessarily, smaller states are better able to ensure administrative efficiency and governance. If the twin objectives of administrative efficiency and good governance are central to the exercise of redrawing and readjustment of administrative boundaries, states like Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and other bigger states can be divided into many viable states.
Fourthly and finally, most states are marked by huge socio-cultural and economic differences. For instance, economically and culturally, the western and eastern parts Uttar Pradesh are poles apart. On both counts, western Uttar Pradesh is closer to Haryana than eastern Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, the western and eastern parts of Bihar stand out in sharp contrast to each other. Both culturally and economically, the western region of Bihar is closer to eastern Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, the Vidarbha region in Maharashtra stands out in sharp contrast to the rest of Maharashtra. And so does Telangana in Andhra Pradesh. What needs to be underlined is that socially and economically backward regions within states have remained backward across time, without showing signs of convergence. Whether real or feigned, the backward communities tend to see their backwardness rooted in the discriminatory practices of the state dominated by those coming from an advanced region. Given that smaller states are generally doing reasonably well and are marked by lesser degree of regional inequalities, part of the problem of deprivation along regional lines can be resolved by carving out more states in the bigger ones.
The way the Telangana issue is unfolding, granting statehood to Telangana is inevitable. It is also certain that once Telangana becomes the 29th state of India, it is bound to give salience to the demands of creating states in other parts of country. It is high time that the Centre constitutes a Second States Reorganisation Commission to look into the legitimacy and usefulness of demands for new states.
Sanjeer Alam is visiting associate fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi
The Kosal Kranti Dal (KKD) will launch a movement in the entire ‘Kosalanchal’ region to sensitise people about its demand for a separate Kosal State from December 23 to January 23 next.
This was announced to the media on Sunday by KKD chief Pramod Mishra. The entire ‘Kosalanchal’ has been divided into five zones along with Boudh and Athmallik subdivision of Angul district, he said.
Commenting on Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati’s move to create four smaller States out of the existing UP, Mishra observed that it is high time the Government of Odisha adopted a resolution in the State Assembly in favour of a Kosal State. All political parties should come forward to join hands for formation of a separate Kosal State, Mishra said.
The month-long movement in Balangir district would start from Harishankar on December 23, and simultaneous Yatras would be organised in the other districts of the region, Mishra informed.
“After this movement, we will visit New Delhi and put forth our demand of creation of a separate Kosal State to Centre leaders. We will also stage a dharna before the Parliament during its next session,” Mishra informed further.
Professor of Political Science and Rector, JNU
It is time for a second States Reorganisation Commission that can redraw India’s federal map, creating many smaller states and keeping in mind economic viability
The current demand for the break-up of large states like Andhra Pradesh,Maharashtraand Uttar Pradesh needs to be examined seriously and dispassionately in its historical and contemporary context. AfterIndependence, the demand for the reorganisation of states along linguistic lines overshadowed such issues as size and economic capability. The Congress party had supported the idea of linguistic reorganisation since the 1920s. However, following Partition, Jawaharlal Nehru felt that the idea could wait since he feared it would foster local nationalisms, breed parochialism and undermine national unity. So, he argued for large states within a strong politicalUnionand a socialist economy that would enable centralised planning of resources, leading to equitable regional development.
Further, it was thought that the interchange of capital and labour between the richer and poorer sub-regions in large states would create greater equality over time. Thus, Nehru mooted the idea of merging Bihar and Bengal and keeping Maharashtra andGujarattogether. Even as these large blocs could not be formed, big states like UP, Madhya Pradesh and AP were created on the basis of language.
B R Ambedkar, on the other hand, held that the doctrine of “one language, many states” would enshrine the principles of language and size: there could be four states carved out ofMaharashtra, for example, all of which would speak Marathi but be of a viable size.
Today, the situation has undergone a substantial change. There are increasing demands for carving out smaller states out of the large, single-language states created afterIndependence. In the contemporary post-Congress and post-reform era, states have emerged as important players determining national political patterns. In many states, an upsurge from below has brought the hitherto underprivileged groups to power, creating new political elites. And in the era of coalition governments, regional or state parties have become partners in central governance. The establishment of a market economy, too, has opened the floodgates to private capital that has led to increasing regional inequalities and, thus, contributed to the rising demands for smaller states.
Economic backwardness of sub-regions within large states has also emerged as an important ground on which demands for smaller states are being made. This is evident from the immediate demands for the formation of Vidharbha, Bodoland and Saurashtra, among other states. These developments have been responsible for a shift away from issues of language and culture – which had shaped the earlier process of reorganisation – to those of better governance and greater participation, administrative convenience, economic viability and similarity in the developmental needs of sub-regions.
In this situation, the move towards smaller states appears to be inevitable and would lead to more democratisation. The formation of three new states in 2000 – Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand – has provided a fillip to this process. It also points to a new confidence in the political elite in comparison to the early years ofIndependence. Today, fears of the Centre weakening due to the creation of a large number of small states are unfounded. Many small states were created after 1956 – Punjab, Haryana and some in the north-east – which strengthened rather than weakened theUnion. Even as the older federal structure served the polity created atIndependence, there is a need to redraw the map ofIndiain keeping with the new social and political order. Reorganisation needs to be seen not as a task undertaken at a single point of time, but as an ongoing process that remains unfinished.
At the same time, the creation of a federation consisting of smaller states is a complex task and requires careful attention. Many critics have correctly argued that the mere creation of smaller states out of the existing bigger ones does not guarantee good governance and faster and inclusive economic development. Considering the plethora of demands being raised, it is time for a second States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) that can redrawIndia’s federal map, creating many smaller states and keeping in mind the twin criteria of economic viability and people’s aspirations.
Director, Indian Institute of Public Administration
If the administration in a large state suffers from inefficiencies, what is the guarantee that it will become competent by
merely creating a smaller state?
Why do political demands for smaller states and bifurcation arise? There are, of course, emotional considerations like culture, language, religion and a sense of economic and regional deprivation. But more importantly, politicians envision additional posts of power as chief ministers or ministers, leaders of the opposition, Assembly speakers and so on. Similarly, government servants think of becoming chief secretaries or secretaries, DGs of police, chief-engineers, directors and so on.
A common notion is that a larger share of central funds would flow into a new state compared to when it is a region in a larger state. Most also believe that a new capital city would provide better living conditions. Arguments are set forth that a smaller state with less number of districts would diminish the span of control of state-level functionaries. And that reduced distances between the state capital and peripheral areas would improve the quality of governance and administrative responsiveness and accountability. However, this can easily be achieved with strong regional administrative units in larger states.
Evidence shows that both large and small states have fared well and that poor performance is not necessarily linked to size. In fact, today, technology can help make governing larger territories easier and bring even far-flung areas closer.
Much more than the size of a state, it is the quality of governance and administration, the diverse talent available within the state’s population, and the leadership’s drive and vision that determine whether a particular state performs better than the others.
A small state is likely to face limitations in terms of the natural (physical) and human resources available to it. Moreover, it will lack the kind of agro-climatic diversity required for economic and developmental activities. It would also be restricted in its capability to raise resources internally. All these factors would only make it more dependent on the Centre for financial transfers and centrally-sponsored schemes. Further, increasing the number of states in the country would expand the span of control of the central ministries dealing with states and of party high commands dealing with state party units.
A new small state may find itself lacking in infrastructure (administrative and industrial), which requires time, money and effort to build. Some may argue that it is with this very purpose of developing infrastructure that demands for the creation of smaller states are encouraged. But experience shows that it takes about a decade for a new state and its government and administrative institutions to become stable; for various issues of division of assets, funds and of the state civil service(s) to get fully resolved; and for links to the new state capital to stabilise. The cost of this transition is not low and the state’s performance may suffer during this interim period.
So, the rationalisation of some existing state boundaries and reorganising territories may be desirable for reasons of physical connectivity. And even as this and other socio-political factors could be considered by a new State’s Reorganisation Commission, a change merely for the sake of having a small state is not desirable.
Moreover, we cannot fix a state’s optimum size on a whim. It calls for a thorough evaluation of physical features like land quality and topography, agro-climatic conditions, socio-cultural factors, natural and human resource availability, density of population, means of communication, existing administrative culture and effectiveness of its district and regional administrative units and so on.
There are numerous demands for smaller states in different parts of the country. However, smaller states are not a panacea forIndia’s myriad problems. Neither can they resolve issues faced by various regions and sections of society. Larger states may be, in fact, more economically- and financially-viable and better capable of serving people and achieving planned development. If the administration in a large state suffers from inefficiencies, what is the guarantee that it will become competent by merely creating a smaller state?
These views are personal